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US begins unblocking jetliner sales to Iran

By Tim Hepher | PARIS 21, September 2016

The United States has begun unblocking deals by Western plane-makers to renew Iran’s ageing passenger fleet in a move likely to ease growing complaints from Tehran over the implementation of last year’s historic sanctions deal.

Europe’s Airbus (AIR.PA) said on Wednesday it had received U.S. Treasury approval to begin exporting jetliners to Iran and its U.S. rival Boeing (BA.N) said it looked forward to receiving similar licenses “shortly”.

The move signals the unfreezing of one of the most high-profile deals between Iran and foreign companies since last year’s agreement between Tehran and world powers to open up trade in exchange for curbs on the country’s nuclear activities.

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But complex questions remain over the financing of deals between Iran and Western plane-makers that could still obstruct deliveries of many of the planes, in what is seen as a test case for Western trade and investment following the nuclear deal.

Earlier this year, Airbus and its U.S. rival Boeing each signed deals to supply over 100 jets to flag carrier Iran Air to modernize and expand the country’s elderly fleet, held together by smuggled or improvised parts after years of sanctions.

But nine months after the first deal was signed, Iranian officials have voiced growing concerns about what they see as slow progress in obtaining in the U.S. licenses needed for most modern aircraft because of their ample use of U.S. parts.

An Iranian official told Reuters earlier this week that its deal for 118 Airbus jets was being trimmed by six units following the regulatory delays.

Airbus said on Wednesday it had been granted an initial license to supply 17 A320 or A330 jets that are slated for early delivery, and that it expected a second license covering the remaining aircraft within the next few weeks.

Aviation sources said the U.S. Treasury was expected within “days” to begin unblocking Boeing’s deal to sell or lease over 100 jets.

Iran has also ordered up to 40 Franco-Italian ATR (AIR.PA)SIFI.MI turboprop planes that are awaiting Washington’s green light.

Iran has said it could start receiving a limited number of aircraft this year.

Some airlines are also looking at buying second-hand planes to meet their most urgent needs.

Diplomats say new jets will allow pragmatist President Hassan Rouhani to argue the sanctions deal is working, but the deals are opposed by U.S. Republicans who say the jets could be misused and by conservatives in Iran who oppose the country’s opening and say the purchases will not benefit most Iranians.

http://www.reuters.com/article/us-iran-aviation-idUSKCN11R1JH

Persian Gulf incidents spike sending message from Iran hardliners

TEHRAN, IRAN — Small Iranian fast-attack boats race toward American warships in the Persian Gulf, turning away at the last minute as warning shots are fired – just one of many recent incidents that are prompting hard-line Iranian media to crow that the US superpower has been “humiliated, again.”

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In the latest episode last weekend, Iran warned two US Navy surveillance planes flying high at the edge of its territory that it would shoot them down if they entered Iranian airspace.

Iran and the US have been provoking each other militarily for more than 30 years, engaging in a volatile tug-of-war in the Persian Gulf, where one-third of the world’s seaborne oil supply travels through the Strait of Hormuz.

But threatening incidents have spiked recently, with at least 32 reported so far this year, compared with 23 in all of 2015. Gen. Joseph Votel, the head of US Central Command, said earlier this month that Iran’s moves are an attempt to “exert their influence and authority in the region.”

The US military says all recent incidents have occurred in international waters, and that such “harassment” from Iran is “unsafe and unprofessional.” Senior Iranian officers, meanwhile, downplay their actions as “routine” and defensive – but declare that a “severe” reaction will follow if they detect any aggressive US intent.

Analysts say the uptick sends two messages from Iran’s more ideologically driven Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), which has been engaged in a struggle for influence with the centrist President Hassan Rouhani: First, that it will challenge its superpower enemy in its own backyard, even at the risk of escalation; and second, to remind Mr. Rouhani that, despite last year’s nuclear deal with the US and global powers, the IRGC plays a key military role, and often a provocative one.

Those calculations mean that, even as all sides downplay the dangers, the Persian Gulf remains a flashpoint.

“In the Persian Gulf, any mistake by one soldier – one soldier – could raise fire across the entire Persian Gulf or Sea of Oman. We worry about that,” says Abbas Qaidaari, a military expert at the Center for Strategic Studies, a think tank attached to Iran’s presidency. “We think that any unprofessional action, by Iranian fleets or the US and its allies, will be destructive.”

That means the stakes are high for correctly interpreting the other side’s moves. The Persian Gulf encounters are “just a signal, not a realistic action and it does not reflect our real policies. The US has to listen carefully,” suggests Mr. Qaidaari.

“In any country there are hardliners, in the US, too,” says Qaidaari, who argues that the IRGC won’t hurt the US in the Persian Gulf because of national security interests. “We have this community of hardliners who maybe want a war in the Persian Gulf. But look to the commander-in-chief [Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei]: He never wanted to start a new war in the Persian Gulf.”
Recent incidents

Among recent incidents, Iran test-fired rockets near US ships last December, and an Iranian drone passed over a US aircraft carrier in January. The US Fifth Fleet, based in Bahrain, frequently conducts naval exercises with Gulf allies.

Adm. Alireza Tangsiri, acting commander of the IRGC Navy, said patrolling the Persian Gulf is a “round-the-clock mission that will continue in the future” – with particular attention paid to US activity.

Iranian conservatives cite “threatening” American behavior so close to Iran’s borders, and they recall that 10 US sailors were found in Iranian waters in January; Iran briefly seized them at gunpoint. Swift direct contact between top diplomats of both nations – an informal channel created during the nuclear talks – led to a quick resolution.

But often events move too quickly in the cramped waters of the Persian Gulf to prevent an escalation, without a dedicated line of communication. IRGC war games have included targeting replica American warships with Iranian fast-attack boats and missiles.

“We definitely believe they trespassed our waters … in most [recent] cases,” says Mohsen Rezaei, a former IRGC commander and secretary of the Expediency Council, in an interview.

To Mr. Rezaei, the reason for Iran’s concern is obvious: “The security of the Persian Gulf is in fact the security of Iran.”

“There were a few cases in which our speedboats were suspicious about their activities, so they had to get closer,” says Rezaei. Iranian craft approached even when US ships were in international waters.

“Our speedboats mostly just send them a warning – they don’t actually take any action – to understand the reaction of the other side,” says Rezaei. Are those actions dangerous? “Not from our side.”

Hard-line media in Iran have emphasized “powerful warnings” sent to the US. Vatan-e Emrouz headlined in mid-July that short-range Iranian Tondar missiles had been “as close as 500 meters to the USS New Orleans” – an amphibious assault ship deployed in the Persian Gulf at the time.

With evident relish, the conservative Kayhan newspaper quoted a Washington Times headline from late August, saying that “confrontations reveal Obama’s nuclear deal having little effect on Iran’s behavior.”
Challenging Rouhani

Such a result is a domestic challenge for Mr. Rouhani, who has in the past questioned IRGC timing of ballistic missile tests as provocative. Analysts say current IRGC actions send a deliberate message to Rouhani, who is under fire from rivals in advance of May 2017 presidential elections.

“After Mr. Rouhani tried to limit missile tests, the IRGC itself wants to show it is still doing its duties, to say, ‘Even if the [Rouhani] government is trusting the US, we don’t trust them,’ ” says Mojtaba Mousavi, the founder of the conservative IransView.com website.

Mr. Khamenei and the establishment “feel the danger,” he says, pointing to the example of Iraq and Libya, which both took steps to accede to US and Western demands, only to be later attacked.

“When the leader says you can’t trust the US, we can’t limit the military, because the US is waiting for the opportunity to weaken us,” says Mr. Mousavi.

Analysts note that the incidents come amid a debate in Iran about reducing military spending, even as Iran is deeply engaged in costly wars in Syria and Iraq as well as Yemen. Mr. Khamenei has firmly backed a strong military, dismissing suggestions that high defense spending should give way to a future of diplomacy only.

Indeed, when Rouhani ally and former president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani tweeted last March that the future was a “world of discourse, not of missiles,” Khamenei responded that such talk might be “treason,” adding: “Today it is a time for both negotiations and missiles.”
The flashpoint

The Persian Gulf is one of the few places where the US-Iran standoff has periodically turned hot. Toward the end of the Iran-Iraq war in 1988, an Iranian mine heavily damaged a US ship, prompting the US to strike two Iranian oil facilities and sink several Iranian vessels. Few Iranians forget the accidental downing of an Iran Air civilian plane by the USS Vincennes in 1988, killing all 290 passengers, because it was mistaken for an attacking Iranian jet fighter.

The political standoff in Iran is reflected in “a strategic gap” between hardliners and Rouhani and his allies, says Qaidaari of CSS. Hardliners see the US presence through the prism of a threat, with US bases dotted across the region and “an attack policy for three decades, so [therefore] we can attack them, and we are able to, with our surface-to-sea missiles and fast-attack boats.”

The Rouhani side asks, “Why should there be this conflict in the Persian Gulf, with very serious potential for battle between Iran and the US and its allies?” adds Qaidaari. “There is only one way to change, to pay attention to common interests and not ideological policies.”

http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Middle-East/2016/0919/Persian-Gulf-incidents-spike-sending-message-from-Iran-hardliners

Abbas Kiarostami: sophisticated, self-possessed master of cinematic poetry

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The Iranian auteur, who has died aged 76, specialised in a kind of realist-parable film-making that, despite its apparent simplicity, made him one of the great directors of our time

Abbas Kiarostami was a mysterious and delicate fabulist of human nature and human relations, a film-maker whose stories were somehow in, but not of, the real world. His movies didn’t render up their meaning easily; they were replete with meditative calm, sadness, reflection, but also dissent, obliquely stylised confrontation and emotional negotiation – as well as his own elusive kind of playful humour. Read More »

How Leonardo DiCaprio became unlikely champion in Iran

By: Holly Dagres 20 May 2016

Iranians were elated when they discovered that actor Leonardo DiCaprio had shared on his Instagram account a photo of Iran. DiCaprio, a champion environmentalist, republished The Weather Channel’s photo of drying Lake Urmia to bring attention to climate change. What he didn’t know was that so many Iranians — at home and abroad — would show an outpouring of love and support for his small gesture of raising awareness of this issue.

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The Instagram post went viral, receiving more than 313,000 likes and 117,000 comments, including, “Leo thanks for being concerned about what’s happening all around the world especially my motherland Iran, it’s truly humbling” and “Iranians appreciate it. Love you Leo.”

“What Mr. DiCaprio did is praiseworthy,” Gary Lewis, the United Nations resident coordinator in Iran, told Al-Monitor. “And it is important because as a result of his action to publish the picture a vastly larger number of other people on this planet now know about this problem. This will bring a sense of hope that others might get more involved to support efforts to overcome the Lake Urmia challenge and other similar challenges in Iran and beyond.”

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Why We Will Vote for the Iran Deal in Congress, Despite Its Imperfections

Rep. Jan Schakowsky, Rep. Lloyd Doggett and Rep. David Price

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Writing exclusively for Haaretz, three members of Congress explain why the nuclear deal with Iran is good for America – and Israel.
The relationship between the United States and Israel is built on a foundation of common interests and common values, and it has been strengthened over the decades by our resolve in the face of common threats — from Soviet interventionism in the Middle East during the Cold War to the spread of violent extremism today.
There is no question that Americans from across the political spectrum view Iran’s pursuit of a nuclear weapon as a common threat of the highest order. Nor do we doubt that the special relationship between Americans and Israelis will withstand the current debate over the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action negotiated between the “P5+1” international partners and Iran, as it has withstood previous policy debates.

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Western businesses eye Iran after UN backs nuclear deal

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Country hit hard by years of sanctions could see foreign investment flood in if historic Vienna agreement clears hurdles
European firms are racing to secure business opportunities in Iran after the UN security council adopted a landmark nuclear deal, paving the way for sanctions to be lifted later this year.

The 15-member body unanimously voted in favour of the Vienna agreement to lift restrictions on Iran in exchange for Tehran rolling back its nuclear programme. The vote on Monday marked the beginning of the end of the sanctions regime that has taken a heavy toll on the country’s economy.

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Iran’s conservatives take aim at nuclear deal

BY BOZORGMEHR SHARAFEDIN NOURI

Iran’s security hawks have begun sniping at their country’s historic nuclear deal, emboldened a day after Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei described some of the world powers that signed it as “untrustworthy”.

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Khamenei’s remark will be understood by Iranians to refer largely to the United States and Britain, the “Great and Little Satans” long reviled by Iran’s revolutionary theocracy for their support of the Shah, overthrown in 1979.
The comment carries weight, because the conservative cleric is the ultimate arbiter of high state policy under Iran’s unwieldy dual system of clerical and republican rule.

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Iran Deal Good for Regional Peace

by Akbar Ganji

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The likely nuclear agreement between Iran and P5+1 – the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council plus Germany – is opposed by many. The reasons for the opposition to the agreement vary, depending on who or which country opposes it, but the ultimate goal is the same: scuttling the agreement. The hawks in Iran and the United States oppose the agreement, as do Israel, and Saudi Arabia and its Arab allies. The opposition to the agreement is expressed in different ways. Some demonize Iran, and others make outlandish claims about the “true” intentions and ambitions of the Islamic Republic.
The nuclear agreement will lead to the gradual lifting of the “most crippling economic sanctions in history” against Iran. As was discussed elsewhere (here, here, and here), sanctions represent severe collective punishment of the Iranian people and violation of their fundamental human rights. Iran’s hardliners enriched themselves as a result of the sanctions, amassing tens of billions of dollar in illicit wealth. Thus, naturally, they oppose the nuclear agreement, but hide behind the claim that the agreement will represent “treason” against Iran, and will ruin the country’s achievements and political independence.

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You Can’t Understand ISIS If You Don’t Know the History of Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia / By:Alastair Crooke

BEIRUT — The dramatic arrival of Da’ish (ISIS) on the stage of Iraq has shocked many in the West. Many have been perplexed — and horrified — by its violence and its evident magnetism for Sunni youth. But more than this, they find Saudi Arabia’s ambivalence in the face of this manifestation both troubling and inexplicable, wondering, “Don’t the Saudis understand that ISIS threatens them, too?”

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It appears — even now — that Saudi Arabia’s ruling elite is divided. Some applaud that ISIS is fighting Iranian Shiite “fire” with Sunni “fire”; that a new Sunni state is taking shape at the very heart of what they regard as a historical Sunni patrimony; and they are drawn by Da’ish’s strict Salafist ideology.
Other Saudis are more fearful, and recall the history of the revolt against Abd-al Aziz by the Wahhabist Ikhwan (Disclaimer: this Ikhwan has nothing to do with the Muslim Brotherhood Ikhwan — please note, all further references hereafter are to the Wahhabist Ikhwan, and not to the Muslim Brotherhood Ikhwan), but which nearly imploded Wahhabism and the al-Saud in the late 1920s.
Many Saudis are deeply disturbed by the radical doctrines of Da’ish (ISIS) — and are beginning to question some aspects of Saudi Arabia’s direction and discourse.

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